Catálogo de publicaciones - revistas

<jats:p> Social media has become a powerful conduit for misinformation during major public events. As a result, an extant body of research has emerged on misinformation and its diffusion. However, the research is fragmented and has mainly focused on understanding the content of misinformation messages. Little attention is paid to the production and consumption of misinformation. This study presents the results of a detailed comparative analysis of the production, consumption, and diffusion of misinformation with authentic information. Our findings, based on extensive use of computational linguistic analyses of COVID-19 pandemic-related messages on the Twitter platform, revealed that misinformation and authentic information exhibit very different characteristics in terms of their contents, production, diffusion, and their ultimate consumption. To support our study, we carefully selected a sample of 500 widely propagated messages confirmed by fact-checking websites as misinformation or authentic information about pandemic-related topics from the Twitter platform. Detailed computational linguistic analyses were performed on these messages and their replies ( N = 198,750). Additionally, we analyzed approximately 1.2 million Twitter user accounts responsible for producing, forwarding, or replying to these messages. Our extensive and detailed findings were used to develop and propose a theoretical framework for understanding the diffusion of misinformation on social media. Our study offers insights for social media platforms, researchers, policymakers, and online information consumers about how misinformation spreads over social media platforms. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Based on a corpus of ‘Aircraft Accident Reports’ (AARs) collected from the official website of The National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB), issued during the years 2000–2021, this study used Bhatia’s Critical Genre Analysis (CGA) framework to examine how this type of techno-professional discourse is recognized by considering the text, the genre, the professional practice, and the professional culture of the corpus. It was found that (1) textually, both Move2 collecting information, and Move3 Analyzing Information are the lengthiest moves within the corpus regarding the number of tokens, while Move1 Summarizing the Accident, Move4 Reaching Conclusion, Move5 Sharing Recommendations, and Move6 Board Member Statement are the shortest in length; (2) the generic move structure of the corpus contained six-move pattern (five of them are obligatory, and only one is optional), 11 steps, and 40 sub-steps; (3) the professional practice of the corpus is expressed through two types of discursive processes, they are: genre-mixing, and genre-embedding; and (4) the professional culture is presented through a set of professional values imbedded in the corpus, they are: embracing change and learn from mistakes, and maintaining objectivity and impartiality. The results of this study contribute in understanding the realization of professional discourse and expand the application of CGA in professional practices. </jats:p>

<jats:p> The Spanish far-right party – Vox – articulates several ideological components in public discourse, among which nativism and anti-feminism stand out. Anti-feminism is being central in the digital discourse of Vox female leaders, Carla Toscano and Rocío de Meer, and of the former Congress deputy, Macarena Olona. With the aim of deepening the analysis of the discursive representation of women in Vox, this research employs the approach and methodology of critical discourse analysis with the corpus, consisting of 6753 tweets from the accounts of these three leaders, taking into account three of the representation that they (re)produce. The results show the imaginary of the Spanish and Catholic-woman. The discourse of racial Spanishness is initiated through mystified historical events. This occurs with the representation of the Mother-woman, which reinforces the device of patriarchal femininity and the frame of the demographic change based on nativism. The representation of the Tormentor-woman is used to deny both the specificity of gender violence and the need for gender equality policies. These three frames are used to justify the anti-feminist discourse and to explain its modulations. The results show that we need to pay attention to gender in order to understand the discursive strategies of the far-right parties, with special care to the femonationalism strategy, as well as to observe its mobilizing and agglutinating capacity. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Drawing on critical discourse studies (CDS), this article foregrounds how British higher education institutions respond to gender-critical controversies sparked by their staff members. Adopting Teun van Dijk’s sociocognitive approach, we analyse the University of Sussex’s crisis responses on Twitter (known as X today) concerning de-platforming campaigns against Kathleen Stock. The analysis unpacks how Sussex employs various discursive strategies to validate its institutional stance in the Stock incident. Sussex’s communicative actions aim to mitigate reputation damage caused by the incident. However, such discursive practices simultaneously indicate the university’s attempt to evade its institutional responsibility for equality, diversity and inclusion (EDI) advocacy, neither do they address the reputation crisis caused by fellow Twitter users’ counter-narratives. The analysis points towards the need for a sociocognitive analysis of crisis responses to hold higher education institutions accountable for their core mission, amid trans-rights debates unfolding in wider society. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Self-praise is a very common practice on social media and has attracted researchers’ attention in recent years. In contrast, how interlocutors respond to other netizens’ self-praise on social media has rarely been explored. This study investigates internet users’ responses to online self-praise by examining a dataset of 569 netizens’ self-praise responses to 75 self-praising microblogs collected from the Chinese social media platform Weibo. The study examines the strategies of users’ responses to bloggers’ self-praise and whether bloggers’ self-praise strategies influence netizens’ responses. It was found that Chinese netizens responded to self-praising blogs with various strategies, including compliment, congratulation, inquiry/remark, evasion, and challenging. The findings showed that netizens’ self-praise responses varied with the categories of self-praise strategies. Possible factors motivating the various strategies involved in netizens’ self-praise responses are also discussed. The study contributes to the literature on self-praise interaction and speech act responses. </jats:p>

<jats:p> As publics have attempted to make sense of the COVID-19 crisis and its longer-term impacts there has been an inevitable search for blame. Emergent research on the attribution of blame has focussed exclusively on the initial outbreak, with insufficient attention paid to how countries have responded to the pandemic. Our study adopts a longitudinal approach, examining the figures of blame that emerged across the UK’s experience of COVID-19, including subsequent waves of COVID-19. By sampling articles from three online UK news outlets (BBC; The Guardian; Mail Online), we analyse the linguistic elements and discourse strategies that contribute to the representation of specific actors as figures of blame in news coverage of COVID-19. To identify actors and their representations we focus on three elements: (1) direct, indirect or implied reference to an actor; (2) an expression of anger, resentment or frustration towards this actor; (3) textual and discursive features that nominate agency for their actions or inaction for a negative outcome. Our analysis shows that three prominent figures of blame emerged across the period of analysis. The primary actor represented as a figure of blame was the UK government. This, we argue, differs from the initial phases of the outbreak where there was an emphasis on externalising blame. We also found, however, that the public and the individual were constructed as figures of blame. For the latter it was through an emphasis on personal responsibility in the adoption of preventative behaviours and in following COVID-19 restrictions. We conclude the paper by exploring the significance of these findings for the communicative dynamics of the pandemic. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Undertaking chairmen’s letters as data, the article discusses strategic manoeuvring of argumentation in Chinese corporate public relations discourses from the perspectives of topical potential, audience demand and presentational devices. Popular topics chosen were explored, including corporate commerciality, legitimation, entrepreneurship and approachability. Additionally, argumentation move structure and schemes such as symptomatic argument, analogy argument and causal argument were analysed. Inference modes undertaking priori, empirical and evaluative knowledge to respond to audiences’ rational, credibility and affective appeals were investigated. Presentational devices including allusion, metaphor and hypallage were also discussed. These findings were attributed to institutional and social-cultural contexts of the discourse. Hopefully, the study can enhance the explanatory power and applicability of the Pragma-Dialectics in corporate discourse studies and facilitate the research on Chinese corporate communication in general. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Based on the example of mainland China’s online diffusion-proofing practices against Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Bill Movement, we identify a platform-based tactic of diffusion-proofing. We argue that this tactic manifested the orchestration of top-down statist governance and bottom-up grassroots practices, as well as within-border and cross-border discursive dynamics. Facilitated by the technical affordances of social media platforms, a faction of netizens both from mainland China and Hong Kong followed the state and its agents online to co-construct discourses for preventing the potential spillover of the Movement to mainland China. We further suggest that this tactic was enabled by the hybridization of both technical logic and discursive logic. The platform affordances, especially different types of hashtags, allowed the state and its agents to practice digitally mediated discursive production, reacting to the momentum of the Movement. As a result, a discourse was constructed, which delegitimatized protest actions and ignited nationalistic sentiment for the purpose of diffusion-proofing. </jats:p>