Catálogo de publicaciones - revistas

<jats:p> The present work proposes to explore the discourse on migration in Arabic language media outlets. Present scientific literature in discourse analysis studies consistently analyzed discourses on migration and displayed the consistency of its features. In this paper, we will analyze how the Arabic discourse on migration in the Mediterranean area, either inbound or outbound, are realized and if they are shaped by the European discourse (mediatic, political, institutional), in order to add an Arabic language contribution to the scientific discussion. The research showed that, while most established categories typical of discourses of racism were present, others were put into discussion, and a context-bound system of representation emerged, with its specificities concerning the reality of migration into and from Arabic countries. However, the European discourse resulted a strong presence, even in the representation of outbound migration of the specific ingroup. </jats:p>

<jats:p> This study draws on a synergy of Corpus Linguistics and Critical Discourse Studies to scrutinize the portrayal of hackers in China Daily and The New York Times in the 21st century (2001–2020), primarily revolving around the main social actors and targets in hacking. This study demonstrates that both media share a positive transformation of the image-building of hackers in the 21st century. Besides, countries are salient social actors in hacker media discourse and the two media differ in their ways of constructing them. The New York Times tends to have a negative other-representation and categorical otherness of specific countries through such discursive strategies as negative other-representation and group categorization, whereas China Daily is prone to insist on opposing the US hacking allegations in a defensive manner. Regarding major targets, China Daily highlights government websites whereas The New York Times emphasizes government websites, officials’ emails, large technology companies, and election infrastructure. The analysis shows that the two media’s different ways of framing hackers are underpinned by the ideologies behind them and the Chinese and US socio-political landscapes. This study can provide insights into how hacker discourse in media is represented in the 21st century and how national identities are constructed in the media representations of hackers. </jats:p>

<jats:p> The U.S. House of Representatives impeached American President Donald Trump for a second time in 2021. Trump was accused of fomenting an insurrection against the democracy he was sworn to protect, one of the most serious accusations that could be made against a president. In 2022 President Joe Biden, and his Secretary of State Antony Blinken, declared that Russian President Vladimir Putin a war criminal. Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy gave a speech attacking Russia for war crimes. As with Trump, commission of war crimes is one of the worst accusations that can be leveled against a military leader. This paper analyzes these three important texts as instances of persuasive attack. These attacks addressed the two essential components of an attack, discussing offensiveness of the actions and blame for these actions. This analysis reinforces the utility of the Theory of Persuasive Attack and helps illuminate important recent discourses employing attacks. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Operating as a hegemonic, market-driven governmentality, neoliberalism has been colonizing academic institutions and academic professionals’ everyday lives globally. This article demonstrates how several sets of academic event posters displayed at a public Hong Kong university work as spatialized multimodal branding devices that discursively entangle certain types of individuals, activities, institutions, and political economy under a specific mode of neoliberal governmentality. It shows that the posters position the university and its academic units as internationally competitive, Global-North-oriented knowledge enterprises in a mutually shaping relationship with a globalized neoliberal political economy par excellence in Asia. The study signals the need for research on neoliberal academic discourses to pay closer attention to the spatialized, multi-semiotic nature of discursive practices and the multi-layered institutional, politico-economic and cultural contexts in which the neoliberal discourses are situated. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Social media websites, such as Facebook and Twitter, are starting to become places where people present and evaluate various events in the world such as terrorist attacks in London, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels in 2017. Moreover, these websites influence value perception of their users and readers. These new technologies allow people to exchange views at the very moment of the event and time zone and location users of the platforms do not have a significant role in this exchange process. However, this capability of these new technologies can have a negative impact on some social groups. The aim of this article is to provide an analysis of the discourse in social media on refugees’ integration in their respective host societies by analysing the content in Lithuanian language Facebook pages ‘Priimsiu pabėgėlį’ (eng. ‘Refugees Welcome’) and ‘Visuomeninis komitetas prieš priverstinę imigraciją’ (eng. ‘Public Committee against Forced Immigration’). </jats:p>

<jats:p> Based on previous research that identified metadiscursive clarifiers as a means of discursive control and subversion, this study investigates the use of the devices in the abortion discourse of the U.S. Supreme court. It examines four sub-genres of judicial opinion (majority opinions, dissents, regular concurrences, and special concurrences) and their contribution to the development of this area of law. The quantitative analysis reveals that the separate opinions contained significantly more clarifying devices than the majority opinions. This represented a missed opportunity for majority writers to control positions asserted in separate opinions. More qualitatively oriented analysis shows the use of the devices as reflecting the nature of the sub-genres examined: regular concurrence writers used clarifiers to support the majority opinion; special concurrence and dissent writers both used clarifiers to attack the majority opinion. The analysis also reveals that clarifiers often reveal prescient tensions within the law; positions expressed with the use of the devices often became majority positions in subsequent cases. </jats:p>

<jats:p> This paper presents a novel model for examining trust work in the Chinese government microblogs, integrating Fuoli and Paradis’s model of trust-repair discourse with scholarly views on Chinese trust. We argue that the ultimate communicative goal of government microblogs is to construct the Chinese authorities’ CBT (cognition-based trust) and ABT (affect-based trust). The antecedents of CBT include the trustee’s ability and integrity, and those of ABT include values congruence and guanxi (personal connections). We also suggest three types of communicative actions critical for trust-building, that is, NN (neutralising the negative), EP (emphasising the positive) and ME (mobilising the emotivity). These actions are realised through engagement and evaluation resources, emotional stories and intimate address forms. We then apply the model to the analysis of trust work in an influential government microblog with the username of @chinapeace. The analysis has the twofold purpose of demonstrating the viability of the model of trust-building discourse and examining the trust work of Chinese government microbloggers facing the pandemic crisis. </jats:p>

<jats:p> The present study is a corpus-assisted analysis of discourses on the Catalan movement of independence in the Catalan and Spanish press. A referendum for Catalan independence was held on 1 October 2017 but was not approved by the central Spanish government and was declared illegal. Spanish and Catalan newspapers differed considerably in their treatment and representation of the conflict, which also drew the attention of the international press to Catalonia. My analysis interconnects theoretical perspectives from linguistic critical discourse studies, cognitive linguistics, and media studies. The methodology is based on the analysis of two comparable corpora of journalistic texts (in Catalan, Spanish). My aim is to identify and compare different features of the semantic prosody of words describing the event of geopolitical separation and the different narratives on this sociopolitical conflict that these prosodies contribute to producing. More specifically, I focus on a selection of keywords, like independence, secession, and sovereignty, that seem to be indicative of different discursive strategies consciously, and possibly unconsciously, chosen by a selection of national Catalan and Spanish newspapers. By carrying out a contrastive analysis of the two corpora, I am able to describe certain similarities, like the similar frequent use of the word independence, and differences, like the more frequent use of the word secession in the Spanish corpus, that indicate different framings of the same event and can be related to different ideological positionings against or in favor of Catalonia’s independence from Spain. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander activists and researchers agree that print media discourses surrounding First Nations people(s) in Australia remain negative and stereotypical. However, how these discourses are constructed in language – and therefore linguistic practices which should be avoided – has so far received minimal attention. Analysing a purpose-built corpus of Australian newspaper articles, this study uses the corpus linguistic technique of collocation analysis to identify relevant discourses and examines the linguistic construction of one discourse that had not yet been identified: cooperation. It finds that although notions of cooperation are ostensibly positive (and therefore contrast with discourses identified in previous research), this is often undermined by syntagmatic processes which demote agential Aboriginal participants to prepositional phrases. Prepositions are often neglected in corpus linguistics and in critical discourse analysis, making this an important finding. </jats:p>

<jats:p> The paper examines the representations of Ukrainian refugees in Polish press at the beginning of the 2022 Russian invasion. Using corpus linguistics methods (namely, collocation analysis) it shows that the displaced Ukrainians were mostly referred to as (war) refugees and discussed with respect to their movement and reception in Poland. The study contrasts the construal of Ukrainian refugees in media outlets with different ideological and business aims. The findings are also discussed with respect to how European media tend to cover immigration from other regions, notably the Middle East and North Africa, and how these two types of migration become linked in the analysed news reports. Altogether, while pointing to a potential of the media to shape positive attitudes towards refugees, as attested by their coverage of Ukrainians, the study also highlights the extent to which racism is likely to determine the construal of different groups of migrants. </jats:p>