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This chapter introduces the topic of this volume, which is the recent departure from viewing integration as a strictly two-way process (between migrants and the receiving society) to acknowledge the potential role that countries of origin might play in support of the integration process. It traces the origin of this change in policy perspective, reviewing the Europeanization of immigration and integration policy since the Tampere Programme (1999–2004). Indeed, a major shift in policy framing came in 2011, with the renewed European Agenda for the Integration of Third-Country Nationals, which explicitly added the countries of origin as a third key actor in the process of immigrants’ integration, thereby introducing the three-way process in European policy. In addition to tracing the development of European policy on integration, it takes a step back to consider three broad and interconnected issues: (i) the way integration is conceptualized and studied in Europe; (ii) the way integration policies are studied and how the concept of integration is used in policy formulation and practice; and (iii) the way new perspectives and actors (e.g., those in countries of origin) are incorporated in analyses of integration processes and policies. It concludes by introducing the further structure of the volume.

This chapter expands on recent approaches to the concept of integration. It defines integration in an open non-normative fashion as “the process of becoming an accepted part of society”. For the study of integration processes and policies a heuristic model is presented encompassing three analytically distinct dimensions in which people may (or may not) become an accepted part of society: (i) the legal-political, (ii) the socio-economic, and (iii) the cultural-religious. Each dimension involves different parties (the immigrants themselves and the receiving society), different levels of analysis (the individual, collective, and institutional levels), and other relevant factors such as time and generations. For the study of integration policies, policy frames, concrete policy measures, and both the vertical and horizontal aspects of integration policymaking are considered in order to account for the complex, multi-layered, and often contradictory character of integration policies. Use of the heuristic device enables integration processes and policies to be systematically described. However, comparison is key when the aim is to explain differences (and similarities) in integration outcomes. The conclusion returns to the concepts of integration and integration policies and suggests avenues for further research.

In this chapter we outline the general developments of migration within and towards Europe as well as patterns of settlement of migrants. We provide a comprehensive historical overview of the changes in European migration since the 1950s. Main phases in immigration, its backgrounds, and its determinants across the continent are described making use of secondary literature and data. Different European regions are covered in the analyses, based on available statistics and an analysis of secondary material. This allows us to distinguish between different origins of migrants as well as migration motives. In addition to migration from outside Europe this chapter pays ample attention to patterns of mobility within Europe. The analyses cover the individual level with as much detail as possible with the available statistics and particularly take the demographic characteristics of migrants into account. The analyses on flows of migration are supplemented by a sketch of the residing immigrant population across Europe.

This chapter provides a historical review of the evolution of immigration and integration policies in Europe from 1973 up to now. It reconstructs the different challenges that migration flows have posed to European countries over the years and the policymaking responses developed accordingly. The chapter distinguishes three European migratory regimes: (i) North-Western Europe; (ii) Southern Europe; (iii) and Central and Eastern Europe. The diversity of migration policies adopted in each of these migratory systems is explained in relation to their geographical location, economic context, political history, and also notions of nationhood, national belonging and organization of government. Also integration policies are discussed, with the overall aim to clarify how the concept of integration has been used in policy formulation and policy practice in Europe. Furthermore, the chapter analyses the developments towards creation of a comprehensive European migration and asylum regime. Policymaking at the EU level has supplemented and sometimes challenged national policymaking in two main ways. First, the EU may subsidize local integration initiatives that would otherwise remain unfunded (e.g., by national governments). Second, EU mandates may limit objectives established at the national level that are at odds with EU law (e.g., restricting nations’ power to restrict the rights of third-country nationals). The main conclusion is that a convergence of migration and integration regimes in Europe is in clear evidence.

Some immigrants are problematized, while others are not. As categories form the backbone of policies, they formally define (i) is a wanted and is an unwanted immigrant and (ii) requires integration and does not. Gender studies and migration and ethnic studies show how categories both construct and reproduce inequality. We argue that this critical perspective is beneficial to studies on European immigration and integration policies in order to show how inclusion and exclusion work when categories are used in the policy chain.

This chapter focuses on migration and integration as multilevel policy issues and explores the consequences in terms of multilevel governance. Immigration policymaking has been characterized by continued struggle between national governments and the EU about the amount of discretion states have in interpreting EU directives. The involvement of local and regional governments in debates about intra-EU migration, particularly East–west migration from new member states, has further complicated the situation. Regarding integration, even more complex relations have emerged between local, regional, national, and EU institutions. The superdiverse cities of Europe, such as Barcelona, London, Berlin, and Rotterdam, have taken policy directions very different from their national governments, effectively “decoupling” national and local policies. While politicization of migrant integration continues to drive policies in many countries, the EU has developed various soft governance measures to promote policy learning between local governments. This chapter examines the recent evolution of migration and integration policies at the EU, national, and local levels, as well as the regional level. This enables us to understand the factors that drive policies at the different levels and the extent that these lead to convergence or divergence between the levels. Also analysed are the relations—or absence of relations—between levels of government. To make sense of these relations, a framework is applied that allows for different arrangements of relations. The notion of “multilevel governance” provides one possible way of structuring relations between various government levels.

This chapter reviews the state of the art of scholarship on the transnationalism-integration nexus. It examines the view emanating from the existing literature on the relation between immigrants’ transnational activities and ties to the country of origin, on the one hand, and “integration” in the receiving country, on the other. The review is guided by the popular political question: Can transnationalism and integration be mutually beneficial, or is it a zero-sum relation? The joint reading of the literature on transnationalism in Europe points to two observations. First, transnationalism is . Economic transnationalism requires financial capital, for instance, for remittances or investments. Sociocultural transnationalism requires social capital in the form of available contacts, while political transnationalism requires resources to work politics in the homeland. Immigrants who are low on economic, sociocultural, or political resources are less likely to engage in transnationalism. How this relates to integration depends on the type and form of transnationalism being considered. It is relatively inexpensive for immigrants to be involved in country of residence transnational activities, particularly if this is paid for by homeland-based actors such as a political party. Thus, only those who have enough capital—implying a degree of integration in the host country—can afford to engage in transnational activities. Second, many studies show that what happens “there” has consequences for what happens “here”. Feelings of exclusion in the homeland may foster integration in the host county, while factual exclusion may trigger more radical forms of transnationalism to change the situation there.

This chapter examines translocal relationships that link local governments and migrant organizations in a country of origin with those in a country of destination. Drawing on existing research, the discussion is guided by three interconnected questions: (i) What kinds of relations can be observed between local governments and immigrant organizations? (ii) What are the main driving factors for these relations? (iii) What is the impact of these relations on sending and destination societies? In addressing these questions, this chapter touches upon two overarching debates that are central in this publication. The first is the increasing prominence of the migration and development framework. Related to this, several European countries have established co-development programmes aimed at linking immigrants and their organizations to development processes in the region of origin, often with the intention of stimulating integration processes in destination countries as well. The second debate is related to this and centers on whether translocal linkages between migrant source and destination countries and integration in destination countries reinforce each other or are a zero-sum proposition.

This chapter explores the twin central questions of how and why countries of origin reach out to expatriate populations. It first outlines basic concepts and typologies related to sending country policies, focusing particularly on key countries of origin of migrants settled within the European Union. Second, the chapter reviews central explanations for the emergence of sending country policies. However, sending countries do not reach out to their emigrants in equal measure. Differences are therefore examined in the outreach policies of sending countries and in sending countries’ transnational relations with diasporas. The last part of the chapter discusses the nexus between sending country policies and migrant integration in the country of residence. On the basis of existing research, the chapter argues that sending country policies may intersect with migrants' integration in a number of ways. For example, migrant sending countries may seek to strengthen the upward mobility of their expatriate citizens in their place of residence abroad, and they may call for greater protection of migrant workers in precarious labour situations. Little is currently known about how migrants and diasporas respond to these policies and how they are perceived by political actors of countries of residence. This is an area for further study. More analysis is also needed to determine the extent that sending country outreach policies aimed at bonding with and supporting citizens abroad challenge territorial policy sovereignty and the strength of receiving countries in agenda-setting in international cooperation on migration and migrant settlement.

This chapter centres on the relationship between migration and development (M&D). Taking a theoretical and historical perspective, it traces how analysis of this relationship has swung between positive and negative interpretations over the seven decades of the European post-war era. Throughout this historical-theoretical treatment, three processes are offered as potential triggers of home-country development: remittances, return migration, and diaspora involvement. Then the dual conceptual lens of M&D is broadened: migration and return are refocused as encompassing a diversity of transnational mobilities; development is reconceptualized as being less about economic measures and more about human wellbeing; and the analysis of remittances is broadened from financial transfers to include social, cultural, and political elements. The final part of the chapter aims at a synthesis between the M&D frame, on the one hand, and the integration frame, on the other. Two questions are asked. First, how does the multifaceted integration process impact on migrants’ capacity to stimulate development in their home countries and communities? Second, for those migrants who return-migrate or who lead multi-sited transnational lives, what are the challenges to their reintegration in their countries of origin?