Catálogo de publicaciones - revistas

<jats:title>Abstract</jats:title><jats:p>As members of a stateless nation that is geopolitically divided across Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, Kurds are known mainly in the West as excellent fighters and political revolutionaries. Amid the devastation of war and political unrest, most Kurds struggle for economic survival. This is especially true for Eastern Kurds living under Iranian rule. They have seen their lands confiscated, their resources plundered, and their access to capital and educational mobility severely restricted. Moreover, under the rule of the Iranian Persian‐Shi'i necropolitics, Kurds have been culturally and economically subjected to a regime of internal colonialism that has eroded their capacity for economic survival. Building on the literature on sovereignty and violence, this article investigates the nexus between precarity, spatiality, and necropolitics as embodied in the practice of Kurdish cross‐border labor, or kolberi. I argue that the Iranian state deploys the discourse of a securitized borderland as a weapon to inflict a permanent state of exception on Rojhelat, condemning Kurds to the status of living dead through the imposition of precarious necro‐labor practice. Furthermore, this study articulates the border as an archive where registers of state necropolitics are deposited, preserved, and revealed in the lives of kolbers.</jats:p>

<jats:title>Abstract</jats:title><jats:p>Archaeology in 2022 features more calls than ever for a socially and politically engaged, progressive discipline. Archaeologists increasingly respect and integrate decolonizing and Indigenous knowledge in theory and practice. They acknowledge and embrace the fluidity and diversity of sexes and genders, past and present. They document patterns of migration, ancient as well as contemporary, to combat retrograde and racist narratives that remain pervasive in the public sphere. At the same time, the field has a deep‐seated conservative bastion toward which many scholars retreat, arguing for an “objective” past that is free of political implications or interpretive ambiguity. As anarchist archaeologists, we see the myth of the objective past as one of many interconnected myths that have provided the basis for an archaeology that reifies and proliferates the current social order. We deconstruct myths relating to capitalist and colonialist ideologies of “human nature,” the assumed inevitability of the current order, and fatalistic commitment to dystopian or utopian futures. As alternatives, we present counter‐myths that emphasize the contingent and political nature of archaeological praxis, the creative and collaborative foundation of communities, the alternative orders that archaeology uncovers, and the role of a hopeful past for constructing the possibilities of different futures.</jats:p>

<jats:title>Abstract</jats:title><jats:p>How might our analysis of fascism be enriched if we turn our attention to how contemporary supremacist movements self‐fashion themselves as more‐than‐human formations? How is fascist politics naturalized through claims that it is fueled by the agency and vitality of not just humans but also other‐than‐humans? How do right‐wing supremacists’ assertions that theirs is an indigenous more‐than‐human politics that suffered but endured the violence of colonialism support the framing of fascism as a decolonizing project? In this article, we ground these questions in an ethnographic analysis of what we call the more‐than‐human turn in contemporary Hindu‐supremacist politics in the northwestern Himalayan region, focusing specifically on two political projects: the Hindu right‐wing's rediscovery of “ancient” Hindu rivers and communities in Ladakh and cow protection in Uttarakhand. In contrast to ontological anthropologists who suggest that cosmopolitics is plural and liberatory, we demonstrate how the inclusion of nonhuman entities in political life can serve to naturalize a fascist politics that seeks the extermination of those who are not part of the natural order of life. We urge anthropologists to make room for skepticism and critique in their analysis of cosmopolitical formations instead of prematurely celebrating “ecopolitics” as anti‐Western and anticolonial.</jats:p>

<jats:title>Abstract</jats:title><jats:p>This article explores the making of identity for two sets of human skeletal remains, labeled 1928 Hurricane Victims 1 and 2 Belle Glade. The remains are so poorly preserved that traditional bioarchaeological analysis to explore their perimortem identity is not possible. However, an exploration of their postmortem identity allows us to examine the relationship between landscape, soil, memory, and bodies in bioarchaeology. This article challenges us to consider how bioarchaeology “makes” identity. It does so against the backdrop of one of the worst natural history disasters in United States history, the 1928 Lake Okeechobee Hurricane in Belle Glade, Florida. The loss of some 2,000 to 3,000 individuals in one night, primarily Black migrant farm laborers, is little remembered in national history, but it profoundly shaped the region, and contributes to an ongoing creation of a category of skeletal remains found in the area even today and labeled hurricane victims.</jats:p>

<jats:title>Abstract</jats:title><jats:p>“Our blood is becoming white.” This was a constant lament I heard from <jats:italic>siddis</jats:italic> in contemporary Hyderabad, India—third‐ and fourth‐generation descendants of East African slaves and soldiers recruited by the local ruler or Nizam in the 1860s to form the African Cavalry Guard in his army. The article explores this <jats:italic>siddi</jats:italic> lament and the multivalent symbols—of color, blood, affect, belonging—latent in it. It draws on fieldwork conducted over the course of the last decade among <jats:italic>siddis</jats:italic> in Hyderabad, ambivalently situated as Indian citizens who are racialized as “Black” in an Indian and global order that denigrates Blackness and marked by their religious identification as Muslim in a virulently Hindu nation. The article unpacks these contexts, exploring the forces of empire and region and constructions of race, gender, and religion that have prodded and inflected <jats:italic>siddi</jats:italic> processes of becoming. In so doing, it unearths the ways in which Blackness, Muslimness, and masculinity are constituted as (intersecting) social and political categories, caught in the dialectics of alienation and intimacy, belonging and otherness, with enduring effects on the lives and cosmologies of <jats:italic>siddis</jats:italic> in Hyderabad and on the contemporary politics of race, gender, and religion in India.</jats:p>