Catálogo de publicaciones - libros

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.

The impact of work experience on psychological development has been well established in the sociological literature on social structure and personality, going back at least to Marx’s (1964) early writings and extending to the highly regarded research of Kohn and his colleagues (Kohn et al. 2002; Kohn et al. 2000; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Kohn, 1969, 1977). The effect of higher education (e.g., Newcomb, 1943; Astin, 1977; Bowen, 1977; Sanford and Axelrod, 1979) and military service (e.g., Moskos, 1970; Borus, 1976; Egendorf and associates, 1981; Elder, 1986) have also been given attention. The present study of the impact of post-high school social context on self-esteem is an outgrowth of this research tradition in the area of social structure and personality and life course analysis.

While most life course theorists agree that adolescence and young adulthood are important years in the development of adult attitudes and identity, chapter 1 showed that a growing body of sociological research points to the important role that social environments and organizations play in the development of adult personality as well. The research to date, however, has not been brought together in a comprehensive analysis of the effect of post-high school social context on personality development. Little attention has been directed to how the three major social contexts persons typically enter after the completion of secondary school influence their development during the transition to adulthood. This study was designed to help bridge the gaps in the literature by examining how participation in the full-time labor force, the active Federal military, and college impact self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. The four objectives of this study were:

The literature review in chapter 1 showed that while stage theories of the life cycle (Erikson, 1963, 1982; Levinson, 1978; Sears, 1981) have been accepted explicitly or implicitly by many life course researchers, stage theories often fall victim to an ontogenetic fallacy (Dannefer, 1984). This fallacy stems from an overemphasis on age-graded (i.e., stage-specific) change which too often fails to acknowledge the important role that diverse social environments play in human development, especially in adulthood (Bandura, 1997; Dannefer, 1984; Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe, 2003). Three key life course perspectives were introduced in chapter 1 which incorporate a strong sociological view of human development and which offer alternatives to ontogenetic explanations of the life course: Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis, Glenn’s aging-stability hypothesis, and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s paradigmatic principles of life course theory.

The sociogenic thesis emphasizes the importance of environmental influences on human development, and the situational diversity of these influences. It along with the life course principles informed the analyses presented in chapter 4, dealing with the effects of post-high school social contexts. The sociogenic thesis also features the active role of the individual in choosing and molding his or her environment, represented in this study by the context choice schema presented in the logit analyses of chapter 3. The sociogenic thesis and Elder and associates’ life course principles form the backbone of my investigation of the role that post-high school social context plays in the development of self-esteem.

The aging-stability hypothesis posed by Glenn (1980) complements Dannefer’s sociogenic thesis and Elder, Johnson, and Crosnoe’s life course principles. As discussed in chapter 1, the aging-stability hypothesis holds that “attitudes, values, and beliefs tend to stabilize and to become less likely to change as a person grows older” (Glenn 1980, p. 602). Glenn (1980) discusses the aging-stability hypothesis in terms of developmental and environmental influences, but emphasizes the latter by asserting that the environment may be the critical factor in the observed decrease in “change-proneness” over the life course. Attitude stabilization over the life course was considered to be largely due to a general consolidation of social experiences and social roles as people move through adulthood. The adult development literature generally supports the idea that adults are most susceptible to change when they enter new organizational contexts, move across organizational boundaries, or when salient social roles are acquired or relinquished (e.g., Lutfey and Mortimer, 2003; Gecas, 2000; Bush and Simmons, 1981; Moss and Sussman, 1980; Mortimer and Simmons, 1978; Van Maanen, 1976, 1979).

The literature on socialization to roles links socialization to psychological change. This position is contrary both to the idea that aging itself tends to stabilize attitudes, and to the developmental paradigm which confines psychological development to specific age periods. Glenn criticizes the idea that human development largely ceases when adulthood is attained. Since the period of transition between adolescence and adulthood is a time when the roles of childhood and adolescence are relinquished and new adult social roles and organizational affiliations are acquired, this period was selected as my research focus.