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<jats:p> This study uses non-native perception data to examine the relationship between perceived phonetic similarity of segments and their phonological patterning. Segments that are phonetically similar to one another are anticipated to pattern together phonologically, and segments that share articulatory or acoustic properties are also expected to be perceived as similar. What is not yet clear is whether segments that pattern together phonologically are perceived as similar. This study addresses this question by examining how L1 English listeners and L1 Guébie listeners perceive non-native implosive consonants compared with plosives and sonorants. English does not have contrastive implosives, whereas Guébie has a bilabial implosive. The bilabial implosive phonologically patterns with sonorants in Guébie, to the exclusion of obstruents. Two perception experiments show English listeners make more perceptual categorization errors between implosives and voiced plosives than Guébie listeners do, but both listener groups are more likely to classify implosives as similar to voiced plosives than sonorants. The results also show that Guébie listeners are better at categorizing non-native implosive consonants (i.e., alveolar implosives) than English listeners, showing that listeners are able to extend features or gestures from their L1 to non-native implosive consonants. The results of these experiments suggest a cross-linguistic perceptual similarity hierarchy of implosives compared with other segments that are not affected by L1 phonological patterning. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Adults are able to use visual prosodic cues in the speaker’s face to segment speech. Furthermore, eye-tracking data suggest that learners will shift their gaze to the mouth during visual speech segmentation. Although these findings suggest that the mouth may be viewed more than the eyes or nose during visual speech segmentation, no study has examined the direct functional importance of individual features; thus, it is unclear which visual prosodic cues are important for word segmentation. In this study, we examined the impact of first removing (Experiment 1) and then isolating (Experiment 2) individual facial features on visual speech segmentation. Segmentation performance was above chance in all conditions except for when the visual display was restricted to the eye region ( eyes only condition in Experiment 2). This suggests that participants were able to segment speech when they could visually access the mouth but not when the mouth was completely removed from the visual display, providing evidence that visual prosodic cues conveyed by the mouth are sufficient and likely necessary for visual speech segmentation. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Irony comprehension involves understanding implicit attitudes communicated on top of the explicit, literal meaning. Because of the double-binding stemming from the explicit–implicit incongruity, irony is assumed to be cognitively taxing when communicated in the native language (NL), and even more so in the foreign language (FL). Prior studies investigating irony comprehension in the FL indicated that irony may be processed with similar speed and accuracy in the foreign and the native language, and that irony comprehension efficiency in the former might be lower. Building on these findings, this study investigates if the tasks participants perform when reading irony in their FL affect the efficiency of irony comprehension. We invited 150 advanced Polish users of English to take part in one of two tasks. Participants were asked to read 3- to 5-sentence-long-scenarios, ending in literal (Literal Praise, Literal Criticism) or ironic comments (Ironic Praise, Ironic Criticism) and to either (1) make true/false judgments (T/F task; N = 83), or to (2) judge the emotional value in emotive decision task (EDT; N = 67). A full spectrum of verbal irony employed to communicate ironic praise and criticism, and their literal equivalents: literal praise and literal criticism, was tested. A three-way mixed ANOVA with 2× Valence (Praise, Criticism), 2× Mode (Literal, Ironic) as within-subject repeated-measures, and 2× Task (True/False, Emotive Decision) as a between-subject independent measure, revealed that efficiency of irony comprehension was differently modified by the two tasks. Therefore, we argue that irony comprehension in English as a foreign language is task-constrained. </jats:p>

<jats:p> The relationship between speaking rate and burst amplitude was investigated in plosives with differing oro-laryngeal timing: long-lag voice-onset time (VOT) (North American English) and short-lag VOT (Indian Tamil). Burst amplitude (reflecting both intraoral pressure and flow geometry of the oral channel) was hypothesized to decrease in pre-vocalic plosive syllables with the increase in speaking rate, which imposes temporal constraints on both intraoral pressure buildup behind the oral occlusion and respiratory air flow. The results showed that decreased vowel duration (which is associated with increased speaking rate) led to decreased burst amplitude in both short- and long-lag plosives. Aggregate models of bilabial and velar plosives (found in both languages) suggested lower burst amplitudes in short-lag stops. Place-of-articulation effects in both languages were consistent with models of stop consonant acoustics, and place interactions with vowel duration were most apparent with long-lag English stops. The results are discussed in terms of speaking rate and language-internal forces, contributing to burst amplitude variation and their implications for speech perception and potential to affect lenition phenomena. </jats:p>

<jats:p> English listeners often struggle to perceive tones, but some are easier than others. This study examined these phenomena grounded in the feature weighing perspective (FWP) and the Perceptual Assimilation Model for Suprasegmentals (PAM-S). Forty-seven English and Cantonese listeners completed 4,212 trials of Cantonese tone discrimination and sequence recall tasks. The English listeners showed asymmetrical perceptual patterns of discrimination but not sequence recall. Specifically, these English listeners discriminated T1–T5, T3–T5, and T4–T5 more accurately than T1–T4, T3–T4, and T1–T3. However, they recalled the contour tone and level tone sequences with similar accuracies. Results of the discrimination task aligned with the predictions of PAM-S but not FWP. However, results of the sequence recall task did not support PAM-S. Together, these results suggest that PAM-S only applies to simple discrimination, not abstract phonological processing with a high memory load. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Empirical evidence and theoretical models suggest that phonetic category perception involves two stages of auditory and phonetic processing. However, few studies examined the time course of these two processing stages. With brief stop consonant segments as context stimuli, this study examined the temporal dynamics of stop consonant perception by varying the inter-stimulus interval between context and target stimuli. The results suggest that phonetic category activation of stop consonants may appear before 100 ms of processing time. Furthermore, the activation of phonetic categories resulted in contrast context effects on identifying the target stop continuum; the auditory processing of stop consonants resulted in a different context effect from those caused by phonetic category activation. The findings provide further evidence for the two-stage model of speech perception and reveal the time course of auditory and phonetic processing. </jats:p>

<jats:p> This paper examines the perceptual threshold in patterns of tonal timing (alignment) of Falling versus Low tones. The results indicate a remarkable sensitivity among the listeners. In a perception experiment with 30 participants, we tested how native speakers of the West Nilotic language Nuer responded to stimuli in which the timing of the F0 fall that distinguishes Low versus Fall following a High target is manipulated. We measured the threshold for the responses to shift tone perception from 25% to 75%. The results show that listeners only needed an average of 19 ms to differentiate between the melodic shapes and as little as 13 ms for one item. Perceptual sensitivity this fine-grained is not expected based on what is known about the Just Noticeable Difference (JND) from previous studies. Results from non-tonal languages report a sensitivity threshold for tonal timing of at least 50 ms at category boundaries. This difference suggests that whether or not subjects speak a tone language may be a determining factor in their JND. </jats:p>

<jats:p> This article focuses on the choice of nominal forms in a language with articles (Catalan) in comparison to a language without articles (Russian). An experimental study (consisting of various naturalness judgment tasks) was run with speakers of these two languages which allowed to show that in bridging contexts native speakers’ preferences vary when reference is made to one single individual or to two disjoint referents. In the former case, Catalan speakers chose (in)definite NPs depending on their accessibility to contextual information that guarantees a unique interpretation (or the lack of it) for the entity referred to. Russian speakers chose bare nominals as a default form. When reference is made to two disjoint referents (as encoded by the presence of an additional altre/drugoj “other” NP), speakers prefer an optimal combination of two indefinite NPs (i.e., un NP followed by un altre NP in Catalan; odin “some/a” NP followed by drugoj NP in Russian). This study shows how speakers of the two languages manage to combine grammatical knowledge (related to the meaning of the definite and the indefinite articles and altre in Catalan; and the meaning of bare nominals, odin and drugoj in Russian) with world knowledge activation and accessibility to discourse information. </jats:p>

<jats:p> We present two studies examining the factors that lead speakers to produce elliptical responses to requests for information. Following Clark and Levelt and Kelter, experimenters called businesses and asked about their closing time (e.g., Can you tell me what time you close?). Participants provided the requested information in full sentence responses ( We close at 9) or elliptical responses ( At 9). A reanalysis of data from previous experiments using this paradigm shows that participants are more likely to produce an elliptical response when the question is a direct request for information ( What time do you close?) than when the question is an indirect request for information ( Can you tell me what time you close?). Participants were less likely to produce an elliptical response when they began their answer by providing a yes/no response (e.g., Sure . . . we close at 9). A new experiment replicated these findings, and further showed that elliptical responses were less likely when (1) irrelevant linguistic content was inserted between the question and the participant’s response, and (2) participants verbalized signs of difficulty retrieving the requested information. This latter effect is most prominent in response to questions that are seen as very polite ( May I ask you what time you close?). We discuss the role that the recoverability of the intended meaning of the ellipsis, the accessibility of potential antecedents for the ellipsis, pragmatic factors, and memory retrieval play in shaping the production of ellipsis. </jats:p>

<jats:p> Just as vocalization proceeds in a continuous stream in speech, so too do movements of the hands, face, and body in sign languages. Here, we use motion-capture technology to distinguish lexical signs in sign language from other common types of expression in the signing stream. One type of expression is constructed action, the enactment of (aspects of) referents and events by (parts of) the body. Another is classifier constructions, the manual representation of analogue and gradient motions and locations simultaneously with specified referent morphemes. The term signing is commonly used for all of these, but we show that not all visual signals in sign languages are of the same type. In this study of Israeli Sign Language, we use motion capture to show that the motion of lexical signs differs significantly along several kinematic parameters from that of the two other modes of expression: constructed action and the classifier forms. In so doing, we show how motion-capture technology can help to define the universal linguistic category “word,” and to distinguish it from the expressive gestural elements that are commonly found across sign languages. </jats:p>